Videri - User contributions [en]

Choosing War

2016-03-09T13:59:34Z

Nielseichhorn:

{{Infobox book
| name =Choosing War: The Lost Chance for Peace and the Escalation of War in Vietnam
| author = Fredrik Logevall
| publisher = University of California Press
| pub_date = 1999
| pages = 529
| isbn = 0226075974
| image = [[File:Logevall.jpeg|200px|alt=Cover]]
}}
Frank Logevall’s Choosing War: The Lost Chance for Peace and the Escalation of War in Vietnam presents a different perspective on the Vietnam War and adds greatly to the ongoing debate among Vietnam War era historians on the question if the war could have been prevented. Logevall’s only concern is the eighteen-month period during which the Johnson administration made the fatal decision to escalate the Vietnam War. With a global and domestic research base, Logevall illustrates powerfully that the Lyndon B. Johnson administration, despite opportunities for negotiations and allied opposition, deliberately picked the path to war.

Between August 1963 and February 1965, the Johnson administration made the decision for war, refusing all possibility to pull out or accept a negotiated settlement. Logevall blames Johnson’s stubbornness, based on his fear of losing Vietnam and thus invoking both the Munich Syndrome and Loss of China, for the escalation. In contrast to many Cold War studies, which narrowly focus on U.S. foreign policy, Logevall brings in both the Cold War allies and enemies to contextualize the growing engagement in Vietnam. Logevall argues that, despite the isolation of the United States internationally, the rigid decision making process and the lack of a vocal opposition made it difficult for contingency plans to emerge.

Progressing chronologically, Logevall starts with Charles de Gaulle’s critical opinion about the unnecessary U.S. involvement in South Vietnam and the need for a peaceful settlement. With a downturn in relations, U.S. policy makers worried that the South Vietnamese could start to negotiate with the North or that the North could understand U.S. hesitance as weakness and commit more troops to the South. Besides France, even Great Britain preferred to stay out of the conflict and privately challenged the United States. Except for the United States, everybody else was ready to talk. Ironically, the country's chief diplomat, Secretary of State Dean Rusk, did not believe in diplomacy.

Logevall is reluctant to join the voices that say Kennedy would have pulled out of Vietnam; instead, he believes that Kennedy would have acted similarly to Johnson. The counterfactual argument aside, Logevall argues that Johnson, Robert S. McNamara, and Rusk silenced mid-level opposition that urged for negotiations. With the Diem and Kennedy assassinations, both countries had a changed situation: the U.S. a stubborn provincial leader and South Vietnam ever-increasing chaos.

Nevertheless, the Johnson administration had to project a different image until the November elections. The ambassador in Vietnam, Henry C. Lodge, worried more about neutralization and the French schemes to end the war than about political and military collapse. In order to prevent losing the war, Johnson contemplated a bombing campaign against North Vietnam. British opposition helped to postpone the air strikes. In the spring 1964, even McNamara grew pessimistic, but he continued to oppose negotiations.

Johnson remained committed to escalation but wanted to avoid such a policy before the election. The incidents in the Gulf of Tonkin gave Johnson the opportunity to get wide ranging powers from Congress. Logevall implies that the United States had staged the Tonkin Gulf incident to get a reason to escalate the war and bomb the North Vietnamese. During the entire Congressional debate about the Tonkin Gulf Resolution, the government continued to deceive Congress about the situation.

Early in 1964, the Johnson administration had set the day to escalate the war for January 1, 1965. With the deadline approaching fast, the government needed plans. Mid-level officials thought that a Communist Vietnam would resemble a Titoist Yugoslavia and might actually benefit the United States. Johnson could have pull out with allies opposed to war, the public unsupportive, and Vietnam’s anti-Americanism.

With a further escalation of the war in Vietnam on the horizon, Johnson tried to prevent a public and Congressional debate about the strategy his government pursued. Again, the situation in early 1965 offered opportunities for a pull out with the South Vietnamese having another military coup. As much as Tonkin was a way to get extensive military authority, the North Vietnamese attack on Pleiku gave an excuse to expand the United States’ role in Vietnam. However, all signs remained against war, except in the inner circles of the Johnson administration. Logevall concludes that despite Johnson inheriting a huge problem, he had still all options open. He determined to select war.

Logevall’s book is an important challenge to the established Vietnam War historiography. Where historians have long debated whether going to war was a Cold War or imperialist scheme, Logevall suggests that war was solely a decision taken by the Johnson administration, which ruled out any other solutions to settle the conflict. With his breath of research, Logevall breaks new and important ground for scholars to contextualize the war.

[[Category:Twentieth Century United States]]
[[Category:Global History]]
[[Category:Book Summaries]]
[[Category:Wikifly]]
[[Category:Fredrik Logevall]]

Choosing War

2016-02-07T00:53:27Z

Nielseichhorn:

{{Infobox book
| name =Choosing War: The Lost Chance for Peace and the Escalation of War in Vietnam
| author = Fredrik Logevall
| publisher = University of California Press
| pub_date = 1999
| pages = 529
| isbn = 0226075974
| image = [[File:Logevall.jpeg|200px|alt=Cover]]
}}
Frank Logevall’s Choosing War: The Lost Chance for Peace and the Escalation of War in Vietnam presents a different perspective on the Vietnam War and adds greatly to the ongoing debate among Vietnam War era historians on the question if the war could have been prevented. Logevall’s only concern is the eighteen-month period during which the Johnson administration made the fatal decision to escalate the Vietnam War. With a global and domestic research base, Logevall illustrates powerfully that the Lyndon B. Johnson administration, despite opportunities for negotiations and allied opposition, deliberately picked the path to war.

Between August 1963 and February 1965, the Johnson administration made the decision for war, refusing all possibility to pull out or accept a negotiated settlement. Logevall blames Johnson’s resilience, based on his fear of losing Vietnam and thus invoking both the Munich Syndrome and Lose of China, for the escalation. In contrast to many Cold War studies, which narrowly focus on U.S. foreign policy, Logevall brings in both the Cold War allies and enemies to contextualize the growing engagement in Vietnam. Logevall argues that, despite the isolation of the United States internationally, the rigid decision making process and the lack of a vocal opposition made it difficult for contingency plans to emerge.

Progressing chronologically, Logevall starts with Charles de Gaulle’s critical opinion about the unnecessary U.S. involvement in South Vietnam and the need for a peaceful settlement. With a downturn in relations, U.S. policy makers worried that the South Vietnamese could start to negotiate with the North or that the North could understand U.S. hesitance as weakness and commit more troops to the South. Besides France, even Great Britain preferred to stay out of the conflict and privately challenged the United States. Except for the United States, everybody else was ready to talk. Ironically, the countries chief diplomat, Secretary of State Dean Rusk, did not belief in diplomacy.

Logevall is reluctant to join the voices that say Kennedy would have pulled out of Vietnam; instead, he believes that Kennedy would have acted similar to Johnson. The counterfactual argument aside, Logevall argues that Johnson, Robert S. McNamara, and Rusk silenced mid-level opposition that urged for negotiations. With the Diem and Kennedy assassinations, both countries had a changed situation: the U.S. a stubborn provincial leader and South Vietnam ever-increasing chaos.

Nevertheless, the Johnson administration had to project a different image until the November elections. The ambassador in Vietnam, Henry C. Lodge, worried more about neutralization and the French schemes to end the war than about political and military collapse. In order to prevent losing the war, Johnson contemplated a bombing campaign against North Vietnam. British opposition helped to postpone the air strikes. In the spring 1964, even McNamara grew pessimistic, but he continued to oppose negotiations.

Johnson remained committed to escalation but wanted to avoid such a policy before the election. The incidents in the Gulf of Tonkin gave Johnson the opportunity to get wide ranging powers from Congress. Logevall implies that the United States had staged the Tonkin Gulf incident to get a reason to escalate the war and bomb the North Vietnamese. During the entire Congressional debate about the Tonkin Gulf Resolution, the government continued to deceive Congress about the situation.

Early in 1964, the Johnson administration had set the day to escalate the war for January 1, 1965. With the deadline approaching fast, the government needed plans. Mid-level officials thought that a Communist Vietnam would resemble a Titoist Yugoslavia and might actually benefit the United States. Johnson could have pull out with allies opposed to war, the public unsupportive, and Vietnam’s anti-Americanism.

With a further escalation of the war in Vietnam on the horizon, Johnson tried to prevent a public and Congressional debate about the strategy his government pursued. Again, the situation in early 1965 offered opportunities for a pull out with the South Vietnamese having another military coup. As much as Tonkin was a way to get extensive military authority, the North Vietnamese attack on Pleiku gave an excuse to expand the United States’ role in Vietnam. However, all signs remained against war, except in the inner circles of the Johnson administration. Logevall concludes that despite Johnson inheriting a huge problem, he had still all options open. He determined to select war.

Logevall’s book is an important challenge to the established Vietnam War historiography. Where historians have long debate whether going to war was a Cold War or imperialist scheme, Logevall suggests that war was solely a decision taken by the Johnson administration, which ruled out any other solutions to settle the conflict. With his breath of research, Logevall breaks new and important ground for scholars to contextualize the war.

[[Category:Twentieth Century United States]]
[[Category:Global History]]
[[Category:Book Summaries]]
[[Category:Wikifly]]
[[Category:Fredrik Logevall]]

File:Logevall.jpeg

2016-02-07T00:52:47Z

Nielseichhorn:

Choosing War

2016-02-07T00:51:09Z

Nielseichhorn: Created page with "{{Infobox book | name =Choosing War: The Lost Chance for Peace and the Escalation of War in Vietnam | author = Fredrik Logevall | publisher = University..."

{{Infobox book
| name =Choosing War: The Lost Chance for Peace and the Escalation of War in Vietnam
| author = Fredrik Logevall
| publisher = University of California Press
| pub_date = 1999
| pages = 529
| isbn = 0226075974
| image =
}}
Frank Logevall’s Choosing War: The Lost Chance for Peace and the Escalation of War in Vietnam presents a different perspective on the Vietnam War and adds greatly to the ongoing debate among Vietnam War era historians on the question if the war could have been prevented. Logevall’s only concern is the eighteen-month period during which the Johnson administration made the fatal decision to escalate the Vietnam War. With a global and domestic research base, Logevall illustrates powerfully that the Lyndon B. Johnson administration, despite opportunities for negotiations and allied opposition, deliberately picked the path to war.

Between August 1963 and February 1965, the Johnson administration made the decision for war, refusing all possibility to pull out or accept a negotiated settlement. Logevall blames Johnson’s resilience, based on his fear of losing Vietnam and thus invoking both the Munich Syndrome and Lose of China, for the escalation. In contrast to many Cold War studies, which narrowly focus on U.S. foreign policy, Logevall brings in both the Cold War allies and enemies to contextualize the growing engagement in Vietnam. Logevall argues that, despite the isolation of the United States internationally, the rigid decision making process and the lack of a vocal opposition made it difficult for contingency plans to emerge.

Progressing chronologically, Logevall starts with Charles de Gaulle’s critical opinion about the unnecessary U.S. involvement in South Vietnam and the need for a peaceful settlement. With a downturn in relations, U.S. policy makers worried that the South Vietnamese could start to negotiate with the North or that the North could understand U.S. hesitance as weakness and commit more troops to the South. Besides France, even Great Britain preferred to stay out of the conflict and privately challenged the United States. Except for the United States, everybody else was ready to talk. Ironically, the countries chief diplomat, Secretary of State Dean Rusk, did not belief in diplomacy.

Logevall is reluctant to join the voices that say Kennedy would have pulled out of Vietnam; instead, he believes that Kennedy would have acted similar to Johnson. The counterfactual argument aside, Logevall argues that Johnson, Robert S. McNamara, and Rusk silenced mid-level opposition that urged for negotiations. With the Diem and Kennedy assassinations, both countries had a changed situation: the U.S. a stubborn provincial leader and South Vietnam ever-increasing chaos.

Nevertheless, the Johnson administration had to project a different image until the November elections. The ambassador in Vietnam, Henry C. Lodge, worried more about neutralization and the French schemes to end the war than about political and military collapse. In order to prevent losing the war, Johnson contemplated a bombing campaign against North Vietnam. British opposition helped to postpone the air strikes. In the spring 1964, even McNamara grew pessimistic, but he continued to oppose negotiations.

Johnson remained committed to escalation but wanted to avoid such a policy before the election. The incidents in the Gulf of Tonkin gave Johnson the opportunity to get wide ranging powers from Congress. Logevall implies that the United States had staged the Tonkin Gulf incident to get a reason to escalate the war and bomb the North Vietnamese. During the entire Congressional debate about the Tonkin Gulf Resolution, the government continued to deceive Congress about the situation.

Early in 1964, the Johnson administration had set the day to escalate the war for January 1, 1965. With the deadline approaching fast, the government needed plans. Mid-level officials thought that a Communist Vietnam would resemble a Titoist Yugoslavia and might actually benefit the United States. Johnson could have pull out with allies opposed to war, the public unsupportive, and Vietnam’s anti-Americanism.

With a further escalation of the war in Vietnam on the horizon, Johnson tried to prevent a public and Congressional debate about the strategy his government pursued. Again, the situation in early 1965 offered opportunities for a pull out with the South Vietnamese having another military coup. As much as Tonkin was a way to get extensive military authority, the North Vietnamese attack on Pleiku gave an excuse to expand the United States’ role in Vietnam. However, all signs remained against war, except in the inner circles of the Johnson administration. Logevall concludes that despite Johnson inheriting a huge problem, he had still all options open. He determined to select war.

Logevall’s book is an important challenge to the established Vietnam War historiography. Where historians have long debate whether going to war was a Cold War or imperialist scheme, Logevall suggests that war was solely a decision taken by the Johnson administration, which ruled out any other solutions to settle the conflict. With his breath of research, Logevall breaks new and important ground for scholars to contextualize the war.

[[Category:Twentieth Century United States]]
[[Category:Global History]]
[[Category:Book Summaries]]
[[Category:Wikifly]]
[[Category:Fredrik Logevall]]

Twentieth Century United States

2016-02-07T00:44:18Z

Nielseichhorn: /* Book Summaries */

==Book Summaries==
* Donna Alvah. [http://tropicsofmeta.wordpress.com/2010/12/29/women-and-children-first-the-importance-of-gender-and-military-families-in-the-cold-war-era/ Unofficial Ambassadors: American Military Families Overseas and the Cold War, 1946-1965] (2007).
* Luis Alvarez. [[The Power of the Zoot|The Power of the Zoot: Youth Culture and Resistance during World War II]] (2008).
* Karen Anderson. [[Wartime Women|Wartime Women: Sex Roles, Family Relations, and the Status of Women During World War II]] (1981).
* Michael Aronson. [[Nickelodeon City|Nickelodeon City: Pittsburgh at the Movies, 1905-1929]] (2008).
* Eric Avila. [[Popular Culture in the Age of White Flight|Popular Culture in the Age of White Flight: Fear and Fantasy in Suburban Los Angeles]] (2004).
* Beth Bailey. [[America’s Army|America’s Army: Making the All-Volunteer Force]] (2009).
* Beth Bailey & David Farber. [[The First Strange Place|The First Strange Place: The Alchemy of Race and Sex in World War II Hawaii]] (1992).
* Beth Bailey. [[From Front Porch to Back Seat|From Front Porch to Back Seat: Courtship in Twentieth-Century America]] (1989).
* Mark Brilliant. [http://tropicsofmeta.wordpress.com/2012/11/29/californication-race-ethnicity-and-unity-in-twentieth-century-california/ Californication: Race, Ethnicity, and Unity in Twentieth Century California] (2012).
* Amy Bridges. [[Morning Glories]] (1999).
* Laura Briggs. [[Reproducing Empire|Reproducing Empire: Race, Sex, Science, and U.S. Imperialism in Puerto Rico]] (2002).
* Alan Brinkley. [[Voices of Protest|Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, & the Great Depression]] (1983).
* Charlotte Brooks. [[Alien Neighbors, Foreign Friends|Alien Neighbors, Foreign Friends: Asian Americans, Housing, and the Transformation of Urban California]] (2009).
* Catherine Fisher Collins. [[The Imprisonment of African American Women| The Imprisonment of African American Women: Causes, Conditions, and Future Implications]] (1997).
* Robert Caro. [http://tropicsofmeta.wordpress.com/2011/08/12/dog-days-classics-robert-caros-controversial-portrait-of-robert-moses-and-new-york/ The Power Broker: Robert Moses and the Fall of New York](1974)
* Adam Cohen and Elizabeth Taylor. [http://tropicsofmeta.wordpress.com/2011/08/18/dog-days-classics-political-boss-and-midwestern-pharaoh-richard-j-daleys-chicago-legacy/ American Pharaoh: Mayor Richard J. Daley - His Battle for the Nation and Chicago] (2001)
* Lizabeth Cohen. [[A Consumers’ Republic|A Consumers’ Republic: The Politics of Mass Consumption in Postwar America]] (2003).
* Lizabeth Cohen. [[Making a New Deal|Making a New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago, 1919-1939]] (2008).

* Nancy F. Cott. [[Public Vows|Public Vows: A History of Marriage and the Nation]] (2002).
* Pete Daniel, [[Lost Revolutions|Lost Revolutions: The South in the 1950s]] (2000)
* Mike Davis. [[City of Quartz|City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles]] (2006).
* Mike Davis & Michael Sprinker. [[Magical Urbanism|Magical Urbanism: Latinos Reinvent the US Big City]] (2001).
* Michael J. Dear. [[The Postmodern Urban Condition]] (2001).
* Robert C. Donnelly. [[Dark Rose]] (2011).
* Steven Erie. [[Globalizing L.A.|Globalizing L.A.: Trade, Infrastructure, and Regional Development]] (2004).
* Steven P. Erie. [[Beyond Chinatown|Beyond Chinatown: The Metropolitan Water District, Growth, and the Environment in Southern California]] (2006).
* Elizabeth Ewen. [[Immigrant Women in the Land of Dollars]] (1985).
* Dannelly Farrow. [[Dixie's Daughters]] (2003).
* Barbara Ferman. [[Challenging the Growth Machine|Challenging the Growth Machine: Neighborhood Politics in Chicago and Pittsburgh]] (1996).
* Marcie Ferris and Mark Greenberg. [[Jewish Roots in Southern Soil|Jewish Roots in Southern Soil: A New History]] (2006).
* John M. Findlay. [[Magic Lands|Magic Lands: Western Cityscapes and American Culture After 1940]] (1993).
* Steven Gregory. [[Black Corona|Black Corona: Race and the Politics of Place in an Urban Community]] (1999).
* Jason Hackworth. [[The Neoliberal City|The Neoliberal City: Governance, Ideology, and Development in American Urbanism]] (2006).
* William Ivy Hair. [[Carnival of Fury|Carnival of Fury: Robert Charles and the New Orleans Race Riot of 1900]] (2008).
* Tona J. Hangen. [[Redeeming the Dial|Redeeming the Dial: Radio, Religion, and Popular Culture in America]] (2013).
* Andrew Hartman. [[A War for the Soul of America: A History of the Culture Wars]] (2015)
* Chester W. Hartman. [[Yerba Buena|Yerba Buena: land grab and community resistance in San Francisco,]] (1974).
* Georgina Hickey. [[Hope and Danger in the New South City|Hope and Danger in the New South City: Working-Class Women and Urban Development in Atlanta, 1890-1940]] (2005).
* Richard Hofstadter. [[The American Political Tradition|The American Political Tradition: And the Men Who Made it]] (1989).
* Daniel Horowitz. [[Betty Friedan and the Making of “The Feminine Mystique”|Betty Friedan and the Making of “The Feminine Mystique”: The American Left, the Cold War, and Modern Feminism]] (2000).
* John A. Jakle and Keith A. Sculle. [[Lots of Parking|Lots of Parking: Land Use in a Car Culture]] (2004).
* Daniel Martinez HoSang. [http://tropicsofmeta.wordpress.com/2011/10/06/erasing-race-whiteness-california-and-the-colorblind-bind/ Racial Propositions: Ballot Initiatives and the Making of Postwar California](2010)
* Jonathan Hughes (Editor)& Simon Sadler (Editor).[[Non-Plan|Non-Plan: Essays on Freedom, Participation and Change in Modern Architecture and Urbanism]] (2000).
* Daniel Hurewitz. [[Bohemian Los Angeles|Bohemian Los Angeles: and the Making of Modern Politics]] (2007).
* Marilynn S. Johnson. [[The Second Gold Rush|The Second Gold Rush: Oakland and the East Bay in World War II]] (1994).
* Tony Judt. [http://tropicsofmeta.wordpress.com/2011/01/24/neoliberalisms-license-to-ill/ Ill Fares the Land] (2011).
* Larry D. Kramer. [[The People Themselves: Popular Constitutionalism and Judicial Review]] (2004).
* Joel Kotkin. [http://tropicsofmeta.wordpress.com/2011/03/23/americas-ace-in-the-hole-is-of-course-its-awesomeness/ The Next Hundred Million:America in 2050] (2010)
* Kevin M. Kruse. [[White Flight|White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism]] (2007).
* Matthew D. Lassiter. [[The Silent Majority|The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South]] (2007).
*Gary L. Lehring. [[Officially Gay|The Political Construction of Sexuality by the U. S. Military]] (2003).
* William R. Leach. [[Land of Desire|Land of Desire: Merchants, Power, and the Rise of a New American Culture]] (1994).
* Michael F. Logan. [[Fighting Sprawl and City Hall|Fighting Sprawl and City Hall: Resistance to Urban Growth in the Southwest]] (1995).
* Fredrik Logevall. [[Choosing War|Choosing War: The Lost Chance for Peace and the Escalation of War in Vietnam]] (1999).
* Roger W. Lotchin. [[Fortress California, 1910-1961|Fortress California, 1910-1961: From Warfare to Welfare]] (2002).
* Lisa Lowe. [[Immigrant Acts|Immigrant Acts: On Asian American Cultural Politics]] (1996).
* Robert S. Lynd & Helen Merrell Lynd. [[Middletown|Middletown: A Study in Modern American Culture]] (1959).
* Catherine Lutz. [http://tropicsofmeta.wordpress.com/2012/05/26/3187/ Homefront: A Military City and the American 20th Century] (2001).
* Nancy MacLean. [[Freedom Is Not Enough|Freedom Is Not Enough: The Opening of the American Workplace]] (2008).
* Isaac Martin. [http://tropicsofmeta.wordpress.com/2011/05/04/stalking-the-tax-man-the-pervasive-influence-of-the-property-tax-revolt/ The Permanent Tax Revolt: How Property Tax Transformed America] (2008).
* Douglas Massey & Nancy Denton. [[American Apartheid|American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass]] (1993).
* Elaine Tyler May. [[America and The Pill|America and The Pill: A History of Promise, Peril, and Liberation]] (2010).
* Carol Lynn McKibben. [http://tropicsofmeta.wordpress.com/2012/05/26/3187/ Racial Beachhead: Diversity and Democracy in a Military Town] (2012).
* Lisa McGirr. [[Suburban Warriors|Suburban Warriors: The Origins of the New American Right]] (2002).
* James Miller. [[Flowers in the Dustbin|Flowers in the Dustbin: The Rise of Rock and Roll, 1947-1977]] (2000).
* Glen M. Mimura. [[Ghostlife of the Third Cinema|Ghostlife of Third Cinema: Asian American Film and Video]] (2009).
* John Hull Mollenkopf. [[The Contested City]] (1983).
* Maggi M. Morehouse. [http://tropicsofmeta.wordpress.com/2013/02/11/double-victory-from-wwii-to-the-avf-african-americans-and-the-u-s-military/ Fighting in the Jim Crow Army: Black Man and Women Remember World War II] (2000).
* Edward P. Morgan. [http://tropicsofmeta.wordpress.com/2013/01/14/a-mediating-mess-how-american-post-wwii-media-undermined-democracy/ What Really Happened to the Sixties: How Mass Media Culture Failed American Democracy] (2011)
* Charles Moskos Jr. and John Sibley Butler. [http://tropicsofmeta.wordpress.com/2013/02/11/double-victory-from-wwii-to-the-avf-african-americans-and-the-u-s-military/ All That We Can Be: Black Leadership and Racial Integration the Army Way] (1996).
* Andrew H. Myers. [http://tropicsofmeta.wordpress.com/2012/05/26/3187/ Black, White, and Olive Drab: Racial Integration at Fort Jackson, South Carolina and the Civil Rights Movement] (2006).
* Armando Navarro. [[The Cristal Experiment|The Cristal Experiment: A Chicano Struggle for Community Control]] (1998).
* Becky M. Nicolaides. [[My Blue Heaven|My Blue Heaven: Life and Politics in the Working-Class Suburbs of Los Angeles, 1920-1965]] (2002).
* Anthony M. Petro. [[After the Wrath of God: AIDS, Sexuality, and American Religion]] (2015).
* Margaret Pugh O’Mara. [[Cities of Knowledge|Cities of Knowledge: Cold War Science and the Search for the Next Silicon Valley]] (2004).
* Gilbert Osofsky. [[Harlem|Harlem: The Making of a Ghetto : Negro New York, 1890-1930]] (1996).
* Rick Perlstein. [http://tropicsofmeta.wordpress.com/2011/09/15/essence-precedes-existence-the-problem-of-identity-politics-in-hurewitzs-bohemian-la/ Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America](2009).
* Rebecca Jo Plant. [[Mom|Mom: The Transformation of Motherhood in Modern America]] (2012).
* Brenda Gayle Plummer. [[Window on Freedom|Window on Freedom: Race, Civil Rights, and Foreign Affairs, 1945-1988]] (2003).
* Jerald E. Podair. [[The Strike that Changed New York|The Strike that Changed New York: Blacks, Whites, and the Ocean Hill-Brownsville Crisis]] (2002).
* Doris Marie Provine. [[Unequal Under Law|Unequal Under Law: Race in the War on Drugs]] (2007).
* Daniel T. Rodgers. [[Contested Truths|Contested Truths: Keywords in American Politics Since Independence]] (1998).
* David Roediger. [http://tropicsofmeta.wordpress.com/2012/08/30/dog-days-classics-the-wages-of-whiteness-and-the-white-people-who-love-them/ The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class] (1991).
* Adam Rome. [[The Bulldozer in the Countryside|The Bulldozer in the Countryside: Suburban Sprawl and the Rise of American Environmentalism]] (2001).
* Richard Ronald. [[The Ideology of Home Ownership|The Ideology of Home Ownership: Homeowner Societies and the Role of Housing]] (2008).
* Jake Rosenfeld. [[What Unions No Longer Do]] (2014).
* Peter Henry Rossi & Robert A. Dentler. [[The Politics of Urban Renewal|The Politics of Urban Renewal: The Chicago Findings]] (1981).
* Sheila Rowbotham [[Dreamers of a New Day|Dreamers of a New Day: Women Who Invented the Twentieth Century]] (2010).
* Mike Royko. [http://tropicsofmeta.wordpress.com/2011/08/18/dog-days-classics-political-boss-and-midwestern-pharaoh-richard-j-daleys-chicago-legacy/ Boss: Richard J. Daley of Chicago] (1971)
* Roger Sanjek. [[The Future of Us All|The Future of Us All: Race and Neighborhood Politics in New York City]] (1998).
* Jennifer Scanlon. [[Bad Girls Go Everywhere: The Life of Helen Gurley Brown, the Woman Behind Cosmopolitan Magazine]] (2009).
* Bruce Schulman & Bruce J. Schulman. [[The Seventies|The Seventies: The Great Shift In American Culture, Society, And Politics]] (2002).
* Joel Schwartz. [[The New York Approach|The New York Approach: Robert Moses, Urban Liberals, and Redevelopment of the Inner City]] (1993).
*Gary S. Selby [[Martin Luther King and the Rhetoric of Freedom: The Exodus Narrative in America's Struggle for Civil Rights]] (2008)
* Josh Sides. [http://tropicsofmeta.wordpress.com/2012/11/20/making-san-francisco-josh-sides-erotic-city/ Erotic City: Sexual Revolutions and the Making of Modern San Francisco] (2009).
* Nayan Shah. [http://tropicsofmeta.wordpress.com/2012/03/07/intimate-citizenship-the-influence-of-marriage-sexuality-and-transience-on-national-membership/Stranger Intimacy:Contesting Race, Sexuality and Law in the American Northwest] (2012).
* David J. Silbey. [[A War of Frontier and Empire: The Philippine-American War, 1899-1902]] (2007).
* Rickie Solinger. [[Beggars and Choosers|Beggars and Choosers: How the Politics of Choice Shapes Adoption, Abortion, and Welfare in the United States]] (2002).
* Allan H. Spear. [[Black Chicago|Black Chicago: The Making of a Negro Ghetto, 1890-1920]] (1969).
* Todd Swanstrom. [[The Crisis of Growth Politics|The Crisis of Growth Politics: Cleveland, Kucinich, and the Challenge of Urban Populism]] (1988).
* Ronald Takaki. [[Hiroshima|Hiroshima: Why America Dropped the Atomic Bomb]] (1996).
* Penny M. Von Eschen. [[Satchmo Blows Up The World|Satchmo Blows Up The World: Jazz Ambassadors Play The Cold War]] (2004).
* Robert Wiebe. [http://tropicsofmeta.wordpress.com/2012/08/27/dog-day-classics-robert-h-wiebe-and-the-search-for-order/ The Search for Order, 1877 - 1920] (1967).
* Andrew Wiese. [http://tropicsofmeta.wordpress.com/2011/01/16/getting-to-the-mountaintop-the-suburban-dreams-of-african-americans/ Places of Their Own: African American Suburbanization in the Twentieth Century] (2004)
* Rhonda Y. Williams. [[The Politics of Public Housing|The Politics of Public Housing: Black Women’s Struggles Against Urban Inequality]] (2004).
* William Appleman Williams. [[The Tragedy of American Diplomacy]] (2009).
* Gwendolyn Wright. [[Building the Dream|Building the Dream: A Social History of Housing in America]] (1983).
*Young B. Marilyn. [[The Vietnam Wars|The Vietnam Wars 1945-1990]] (1991).
*Zimmerman, Andrew. [http://tropicsofmeta.wordpress.com/2011/09/26/the-ties-that-bind-the-transnational-trick-of-immobilizing-the-mobile/ Alabama in Africa: Booker T. Washington, the German Empire, and the Globalization of the New South] (2010).
*Washington Harriet. [[Medical Apartheid|Medical Apartheid: The Dark History of Medical Experimentation on Black Americans from Colonial Times to the Present]] (2006)